New deadline imposed by Georgia voting law leads to rejections of absentee ballot requests



About 52% of the rejections were because voters had missed requesting absentee ballots before the cutoff, 11 days before the election, according to elections data analyzed by CNN.

In March, Georgia’s Republican-controlled state legislature passed SB 202, an election law aimed at overhauling Georgia’s election code, including limiting absentee voting — a method that 1.3 million of the state’s residents had used to vote in the November 2020 general election.

Under the new law, voters have to request absentee ballots 11 days before an election, a significant change from four days before Election Day.

Richard Barron, Fulton County’s director of registration and elections, told CNN that the county “saw a significant number of absentee ballot applications rejected because of SB 202.”

“This just goes to show that from eliminating our mobile voting units to slashing our ability to use drop boxes to cutting back the time voters have to request an absentee ballot, SB202 is a poorly created and damaging law,” Barron said in an emailed statement.

Supporters of the new deadline include some voting advocates, who say it is more reasonable and ensures voters have enough time to apply for and complete their ballots.

“Four days is a really short period for a board of elections to receive a ballot application, process it, send it out, have it arrive at voters and be returned by 7 p.m. on Election Day. That time frame is just too short,” Susannah Scott, president of the League of Women Voters of Georgia, told CNN in a phone interview on Tuesday.

However, Scott said the new deadline is too long and the previous was too short, calling instead for a “happy medium” in between. Local election administrators have suggested seven days as the best time frame for meeting voters’ needs and ensuring absentee ballots are counted.

“Far too many voters end up being disenfranchised,” Sara Tindall Ghazal, the Democratic Party of Georgia’s member on the State Election Board, told the Atlanta newspaper. “It leads to many voters getting their applications rejected and not able to access their ballot otherwise.”

Overall, election officials rejected about 4% of all absentee ballot requests for the November 2 municipal elections, according to an analysis of state election data conducted by CNN. Of the 35,312 requests for absentee ballots, 1,362 were rejected, with 708 of those reported as arriving past the deadline. The rejection rate is up from less than 1% in last year’s general election, according to The Atlanta Journal-Constitution’s analysis.

Georgia is one of 19 states that have enacted new voting restrictions this year, according to the Brennan Center for Justice — amid a drive by Republican-controlled legislatures to tighten election rules.



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Analysis: Prepare for a post-Roe v. Wade reality



The court has a hearing over a Mississippi abortion law Wednesday, and the 6-3 conservative majority seems primed for action.

A separate, notorious Texas abortion law is also before the court. But it is the Mississippi case that is a direct challenge to the landmark Roe v. Wade decision, which established a woman’s constitutional right to end a pregnancy.
Many states have been so intent and creative on chipping away at the precedent that even a half-measure by the court could create a post-Roe reality. For women who live in states with few abortion providers and numerous hurdles to gain access, it may feel like a post-Roe reality right now.

But either by overturning Roe or scaling it back, the court could, when it hands down a decision next year, make it much easier for states to ban or more seriously restrict abortion rights.

What does Roe guarantee? The 1973 decision said states can’t ban abortion unless a fetus is viable, or can survive outside the womb. The Supreme Court ruled that a woman’s right to an abortion was covered by the right to privacy under the 14th Amendment of the Constitution.

When the case was decided, that viability standard was 28 weeks, but it’s now considered to be from 22 to 24 weeks of gestation.

Must read: This story from CNN’s Joan Biskupic about how the 1973 court settled on that standard at the last minute. Back then, she points out, it was Republican-appointed justices concerned with privacy rights who helped set the precedent.

Question: What’s the difference between a woman’s right to privacy over pregnancy, which Republicans today want to disregard, and the right to privacy over, say, Covid-19 vaccinations, which they want to protect? We’ll save that for another newsletter.

What would the Mississippi law do? It’s a direct challenge to Roe v. Wade since it would ban abortions after 15 weeks of gestation, well before the current viability standard. Abortions after 15 weeks of pregnancy would be allowed “only in medical emergencies or for severe fetal abnormality.” There is no exception for rape or incest.

Even something less than a full Roe reversal could change laws in much of the country.

Roe has been law for nearly 50 years. Will that matter? CNN’s Ariane de Vogue writes that if the court overturns Roe, it could go “to the stability of the court as an institution.”

She writes: “Put another way: if the court uses cases as building blocks to construct the rule of law, what happens when one block — put in place in 1973 — is yanked out?”

I’ll take that a step farther, even though I’m not a constitutional lawyer. Today I read the 14th Amendment to review what it says about privacy. That concept that’s so key to Roe, it turns out, is not spelled out with the word “privacy” in the 14th Amendment. The protection of privacy has been built by the court over decades, and Roe is a key part of that structure.

Political backlash is guaranteed. Perhaps more predictable is the political backlash to a Supreme Court controlled by Republican appointees removing a right for women.

I think if you want to see a revolution, go ahead, outlaw Roe v. Wade and see what the response is,” said Sen. Jeanne Shaheen, a Democrat from New Hampshire, on Monday. She compared state control of women’s reproductive health to “something we would see in an authoritarian state” during an appearance on the New Hampshire station WMUR.
Abortion would suddenly become a key issue at the state level, too. In Virginia, for instance, the governor-elect, Glenn Youngkin, a Republican, has tried to de-emphasize the issue of abortion, to the consternation of anti-abortion-rights activists who supported his campaign.
The majority of Americans support upholding Roe v. Wade. Numerous polls have confirmed this general public support for abortion rights. For example, an ABC News/Washington Post poll from November found 60% of Americans said the Roe precedent should remain, compared with 27% who supported overturning it.
There is, however, variation in public support for abortion rights depending on the details of the situation. Although there is a long history of broad support for maintaining Roe, the share in support of legal abortion without any sort of government restriction is far smaller, according to Gallup polling going back decades.

Where would abortion be illegal? Twenty-six states are certain or likely to ban abortion procedures if Roe is overturned, according to the Guttmacher Institute, which supports abortion rights. This includes states that would institute total bans on abortion, bans at 15 weeks of pregnancy and bans at 20 weeks. A dozen states have laws on the books to automatically ban abortions if Roe is overturned.

The institute issued a report suggesting that Americans in the half of the country with abortion bans could drive hundreds of miles to access abortions if Roe is overturned, and guessed there could be a rush of demand in states where abortion remained legal, particularly Illinois and North Carolina.

Could a national abortion standard be set? Sure, Congress technically has the ability to write a national abortion standard. That might not be a political reality, since a minority in the Senate can block most major legislation.

More women talking about abortion. Many Americans either weren’t alive or can’t remember 1973. That includes the women who in recent months and years have shared stories of how and why they got abortions.

Three members of Congress shared their stories at a hearing in September.

“To all the Black women and girls who have had abortions or will have abortions, we have nothing to be ashamed of,” said Rep. Cori Bush, a Missouri Democrat. “We live in a society that has failed to legislate love and justice for us. So we deserve better. We demand better. We are worthy of better.”

“So that’s why I’m here to tell my story,” she said.

On “Saturday Night Live” in early November, the comedian Cecily Strong wore a clown costume to open a dialogue on abortion.

“I wish I didn’t have to do this, because the abortion I had at 23 is my personal clown business,” Strong said.

CNN reported at the time: “In her new memoir ‘This Will All Be Over Soon,’ Strong is not explicit on whether she had an abortion but she does say that she was pregnant at 23 and soon after was ‘not pregnant anymore.’ “

For about half the country, that’s a choice women may soon not be able to make in their home states.



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Democratic senator calls on Biden to appoint Afghanistan 'evacuation czar'


In a letter addressed to Biden on Tuesday, Blumenthal said he had “serious concerns about ongoing obstacles to evacuate at-risk Afghans,” urging the administration to expand its efforts “and articulate a clear, effective strategy to expedite the evacuation” of these Afghans and the US citizens remaining in the country.

“Numerous Afghans who worked for the American government, served alongside our troops, or dedicated their lives to the U.S. mission in Afghanistan, remain in the country at significant imminent risk,” the Connecticut Democrat wrote.

“Some have already been detained, tortured, and murdered,” he continued.

Blumenthal’s letter comes the same day as the release of a report from Human Rights Watch detailing the Taliban’s execution or forced disappearance of 47 former members of the Afghan National Security Forces in the past several months.

Speaking to CNN on Tuesday, Blumenthal noted that “time is not on our side — these families simply don’t have the luxury of waiting much longer.”

“Their situation is increasingly dire and urgent. And we’ve become increasingly frustrated,” he said.

Among the recommendations outlined in his letter, Blumenthal urged the President to tap an ” ‘evacuation czar’ with clear presidential direction and authority to implement” an evacuation strategy and coordinate the interagency response for evacuation and resettlement. Those efforts are overseen by a number of federal agencies, including the State Department and the Department of Homeland Security.

In mid-October, the State Department tapped veteran diplomat Beth Jones to lead the agency’s Afghanistan relocation and resettlement efforts.

Blumenthal told CNN on Tuesday that he envisions the”evacuation czar” going beyond Jones’ role and reporting directly to Biden. He said such a person should have the “the stature, the reputation, the talent and ability” of someone who could hold a Cabinet-level position, comparing the role to that held by Special Presidential Envoy for Climate John Kerry, a former secretary of state.

Blumenthal, who sits on the Senate Armed Services Committee, said the White House has “not really substantively commented” on his proposal for an evacuation czar, and he spoke to “a lack of clarity on policy” from the administration on evacuations.

The Connecticut Democrat expressed particular frustration about such a lack of clarity on charter flights, telling CNN, “I don’t mean to be overly harsh, but the charter flights are the only game in town and the State Department is doing nothing to get them off the ground. They seem almost antagonistic to them.”

In early September, Blumenthal lambasted the administration over its handling of charter flights that were grounded in northern Afghanistan, saying in a blistering statement that he had “been deeply frustrated, even furious, at our government’s delay and inaction.”

In his letter Tuesday, Blumenthal noted that “humanitarian charter flights independently organized and funded by non-profit organizations can expedite the evacuation process parallel to U.S. government efforts,” but said several of these flights had been denied permission to land in Qatar “because some on their manifests do not fit certain narrowly defined categories established by the State Department.”

CNN has reached out to the State Department for comment. In mid-November, Secretary of State Antony Blinken spoke with 17 members of the “AfghanEvac Coalition,” which describes itself as “a coalition of private, non-profit, government, and all-volunteer organizations focused on deconflicting communications, effort, and systemic issues across the full enterprise of efforts focused on helping Afghans evacuate and resettle safely, swiftly, and within the bounds of the law.”

Safe and alive, but 'traumatized,' the future of these Afghan women footballers is very uncertain

State Department spokesperson Ned Price said following that meeting that they had discussed “our collective efforts to provide support to SIV holders and applicants” and “our efforts to continue to facilitate the departure of these individuals who are at a stage where it is appropriate to do so.”

Blumenthal is not the only legislator who has urged Biden directly to step up evacuation efforts. In August, prior to the US withdrawal from Afghanistan, a group of more than 50 bipartisan legislators wrote a letter to the President urging him to expedite special immigrant visa evacuation following the passage of changes to that program.

In September, a senior State Department official said that “a majority” of Afghans who had aided Americans during the war in Afghanistan had been left behind in the evacuation. While the department cannot give an exact number of Afghan allies left in the country, Under Secretary of Defense for Policy Colin Kahl said in a Senate Armed Services Committee hearing last month that there are almost 30,000 Afghans in the special immigrant visa application process.



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GOP feud simmers despite McCarthy's warning, causing concerns over 2022 prospects


His message didn’t seem to take hold.

Emerging from her meeting, Greene told CNN that both she and former President Donald Trump would back a primary challenge to Mace in 2022.

And after she met with McCarthy, Mace had this to say when asked about Greene’s threat: “All I can say about Marjorie Taylor Greene is bless her f***ing heart.”

At the center of the feud: McCarthy, a California Republican who typically avoids public condemnation of his colleagues and opts instead to hold private conversations with his members — all in a bid to keep the peace between the warring wings of his conference and bolster his own chances of becoming speaker after the 2022 midterm elections.
McCarthy says he'd put Greene and Gosar back on committees if Republicans win House

But his failure to tamp down the attacks — largely from the right wing of his conference against his more moderate colleagues — is causing growing concern in the ranks, with one GOP lawmaker calling Greene in particular “poisonous” to the party.

“If Kevin McCarthy does not get Marjorie Taylor Greene in line somewhat, either through the conference disciplining her, or privately, it is going to undermine our efforts,” the lawmaker said. “And this is where leadership can step up. And I think if he doesn’t, you’re going to have a bit more of a civil war on your hands.”

The tension comes after Greene repeatedly called Mace, a Republican from a swing district, “trash.” The reason why Greene bashed Mace: The South Carolina freshman had condemned another conservative Republican, Lauren Boebert of Colorado, for saying that Rep. Ilhan Omar, a Minnesota Democrat who is Muslim, could be mistaken as a terrorist.

McCarthy, who has been struggling to keep his party focused on its ultimate goal next year, seems to be recognizing that it’s time to redirect members’ focus. Moments before Mace entered his office Tuesday evening, McCarthy told CNN he had a message for both Mace and Greene: “Stop it.”

But despite McCarthy’s efforts to privately cool the intraparty tensions, his tactics don’t seem to be having much of an effect on the far-right conservatives.

After leaving the meeting with McCarthy, Greene told CNN that she and Trump would back a primary challenge against Mace, the first woman to graduate from The Citadel military college, who had been seen by party leaders as a top recruit last cycle.

“Obviously, I love that man,” the Georgia Republican said of Trump, whom she had spoken with earlier in the day. “And I have his support 1,000%. And unfortunately, Nancy Mace doesn’t.”

“I will be very supportive of a primary challenger (to Mace), along with President Trump,” Greene added.

Marjorie Taylor Greene just called another House Republican 'trash'
The dust-up is the latest in series of ugly intraparty spats, including a move to punish the 13 House Republicans who voted for the new infrastructure law, such as New York Rep. John Katko, one of the most vulnerable Republicans in his chamber, whom Florida Rep. Matt Gaetz had said “stabbed” Republicans in the back — a comment echoed by a number of other conservatives. Katko was also one of 10 House Republicans who voted to impeach Trump for inciting the insurrection at the US Capitol last January.

Returning to session Tuesday after the Thanksgiving recess, senior Republicans said the focus of their party must change immediately in order to capitalize on the major advantages they currently enjoy in the fight for the House majority next year. If not, they said, self-inflicted wounds could give Democrats an improbable victory.

“Yeah, I do,” Rep. Fred Upton, a veteran Michigan Republican, said when asked whether he thought the most recent eruption over Boebert and Greene hurts their chances at taking back the majority. “It’s uncalled for.”

Upton added: “It’s tit for tat. Where’s the shovel? This needs to end.”

“Have you ever seen a team where they should be winning, and you’ll just look on the sidelines and then coach is yelling at a player, players yell at the coach and it doesn’t show they’re on track to win,” said Rep. Brett Guthrie, a Kentucky Republican. “Anytime we’re not focusing on what they’re doing and what we want to do, I think it’s not a good thing.”

The aggressive attacks against fellow Republicans also have come from Trump’s most loyal supporters, putting McCarthy in an awkward spot as he tries to stay in the good graces of the former President while also trying to focus his party to stay unified against President Joe Biden’s sweeping agenda.

Moderate House Republican warns McCarthy over embracing far-right members
That dynamic was in full display earlier in November when another member of the hard-right faction, Rep. Paul Gosar of Arizona, tweeted an animated video where he acted violently toward Democratic Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez of New York and Biden himself. That earned him a rare censure from the House, which also stripped him of his committee assignments. But McCarthy chose to deal with Gosar privately — and rallied his conference to reject the efforts by Democrats to punish him.

In the most recent episode involving Boebert and Greene, McCarthy tried to work behind the scenes to tamp down intraparty tensions. He tried to broker a meeting between Boebert and Omar, while later calling Greene on Friday after she criticized his leadership. McCarthy also spoke on the phone with Mace on Tuesday after the South Carolina Republican fired back at Greene, whom she characterized as “bats*** crazy” in a series of emojis on Twitter.

“We’ve got to be a big tent party,” said Rep. Tom Rice, a Republican of South Carolina who voted to impeach Trump. “We need more conservative Republicans; we need more moderate Republicans. To win nationwide, we’ve got to have all of those. And we’ve got to have independents as well. We’ve got a really good chance to move forward in the next election, but we’ve got to be more inclusive and accepting of each other. We’ve got to stop attacking each other.”

Louisiana Rep. Steve Scalise, the GOP whip, who could be the majority leader next Congress, told CNN that it’s time for House Republicans to refocus on issues — something he said would be a focus of a Wednesday meeting with his full conference.

“Inflation crisis, border crisis, energy crisis, confidence crisis and Joe Biden’s policies — that’s what the focus needs to be on, and how we can solve these problems that they’ve created,” Scalise said. “Everybody’s been away for Thanksgiving. And now that we’re back, we’ve got to get back focused on the things that matter to families back home.”

CNN’s Morgan Rimmer contributed to this report.



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Georgia secretary of state spoke with January 6 committee about election lies



“I spoke to the January 6th committee to ensure they included the full record of how stolen election claims damage our democracy — whether in 2016, 2018, or 2020,” Raffensperger, a Republican and Georgia’s top elections official, said in a statement to CNN.

“While liberals in Washington, D.C. remain focused on Trump, conservatives should focus on the kitchen table issues that really matter to the American people,” he added.

Raffensperger told CNN in August that he would talk to the committee if asked to do so.

During a now-infamous phone call in January, then-President Donald Trump pressed Raffensperger to “find” the more than 11,000 votes needed to overturn results showing Joe Biden had won the state. Raffensperger refused.

The call and the White House’s efforts to pressure Raffensperger and Georgia officials to overturn the election have emerged as significant areas of interest to the House select committee.

CNN previously reported that criminal investigators in the state have been quietly conducting interviews, collecting documents and working to build a line of communication with congressional investigators as they aim to build a case against Trump for his alleged attempts to overturn the state’s 2020 election results.

Another key area of focus in that probe has been the Georgia secretary of state’s office, after Trump called officials there following the 2020 election and pressed them to help to investigate his allegations of fraud.

Democratic Rep. Bennie Thompson of Mississippi, who chairs the committee, told reporters after the panel’s call with Raffensperger that the Georgia secretary of state had talked about how “his family has suffered because of his truthfulness.”

“He said he could find no illegality or irregularity in the election,” Thompson added.

When asked specifically if the panel had discussed the lead-up to January 6, Thompson did not want to reveal the details of the interview but said, “There are some things that will come out.”

This story has been updated with additional developments Tuesday.



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January 6 committee uses recent deposition to justify plan to refer former top Trump DOJ official for criminal contempt



The committee’s report outlines why the panel believes Clark is a central figure in the run-up to the riot and accuses him of attempting to use Justice Department authority to overturn the election. The request to refer Clark for possible criminal contempt charges helps to clarify the panel’s definition of cooperation from its witnesses.

The full House would have to vote to hold Clark in criminal contempt of Congress, setting up a referral to the Department of Justice, which would then have to decide whether to prosecute. A decision by Clark’s former department to do so would make him the second person to face a serious legal penalty for blowing off the select committee’s requests.

In a 22-page report, the committee said Clark had violated Justice Department policy when he met with Trump to discuss efforts to overturn the 2020 election and, further, held conversations with members of Congress about delegitimizing the election.

The report states that the committee communicated with Clark’s attorneys multiple times, even allowing an extension for them to produce records and appear for a deposition. But when Clark did finally appear, the committee said, his attorney handed the panel’s staff a 12-page letter objecting to almost every question on the grounds that Trump was entitled to confidential legal advice — what Clark’s attorney called a “sacred trust.”

The letter further argued that “the general category of executive privilege, the specific categories of the presidential communications, law enforcement, and deliberative process privileges, as well as attorney-client privilege and the work product doctrine, all harmonize on this point,” according to the report.

After being pressed to answer questions that the committee believed wouldn’t justify executive privilege claims, Clark “abruptly left” the deposition.

The documents Clark was asked to hand over included communications with Trump, senior members of the White House, Trump’s reelection campaign, John Eastman — a conservative lawyer working with the then-President’s legal team, and state officials.



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Analysis: Lauren Boebert isn't sorry



The call, um, did not go well. After Omar demanded that Boebert apologize publicly and Boebert refused, the Democrat hung up on the Republican.  

At which point, Boebert took to social media (of course!) to make clear she wasn’t actually sorry.

“I will fearlessly continue to put America first, never sympathizing with terrorists,” Boebert said in the post. “Unfortunately Ilhan can’t say the same thing and our country is worse off for it.”

Add it up and you get this: Not only is Boebert not sorry for what she said about Omar but she actually believes it. This wasn’t some slip of the tongue for Boebert; it was a real belief.

All of which raises a simple question: What are House Republicans going to do about it?

If past is prologue, the answer is nothing. House Minority Leader Kevin McCarthy has resisted punishing the likes of Reps. Marjorie Taylor Greene and Paul Gosar for past impolitic comments, leaving it to the Democratic-controlled House to sanction them.

Considering that, the real decision may lie in Speaker Nancy Pelosi’s hands.  Does she want to hold another vote to penalize another Republican for making offensive comments? And if not, why not?

The Point: Unfortunately, the Republican base responds in a positive way to junk like this from Boebert. Which means she is incentivized to lean into it — no matter the consequences in the House.



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What to watch for as the Supreme Court reconsiders Roe v. Wade


Arguments begin at 10 a.m. ET.

The court still doesn’t allow TV cameras, but it has finally relented on live audio. You can listen on CNN.com and follow along with our live coverage.

What is the Mississippi law at issue?

It bars most abortions after 15 weeks of pregnancy, a standard that violates Roe v. Wade. It’s one of several laws passed in various states with the purpose of getting the Supreme Court to hear a direct challenge to Roe.

The 5th US Circuit Court of Appeals — perhaps the most conservative appeals court in the country — blocked the law, saying it violated Roe and Supreme Court precedent. Mississippi appealed to the Supreme Court, which agreed last spring to hear the case.

What does Roe say?

Roe guaranteed a woman’s right to obtain an abortion nationwide, using a trimester approach.

For the first trimester of pregnancy, the court said the abortion decision should be left to the woman and her physician; for the second trimester, a state could regulate the abortion procedure in ways reasonably related to the woman’s health; for the final trimester, after fetal viability, the state could promote its “important and legitimate interest in potential life” and ban abortion except when necessary for the woman’s life or health.

What is Casey?

In 1992, the court, asked to reconsider Roe, ditched the trimester approach but kept the viability standard, though it shortened it from about 28 weeks to about 23 weeks.

It said the new standard should be on whether a regulation puts an “undue burden” on a woman seeking an abortion. That phrase has been litigated over ever since.

What about Texas? Didn’t SCOTUS just hear an abortion case?

The Texas law banning most abortions after about six weeks of pregnancy — often before a woman knows she is pregnant — remains in full force. The justices let it take effect in early September, then heard oral arguments on November 1 and have yet to act despite its conflict with Roe v. Wade.

SCOTUS-watchers anticipated that the justices had heard the Texas case quickly in order to rule before they took up the Mississippi law, but that hasn’t happened.

The Texas law has a novel enforcement mechanism that allows people to sue abortion providers or others who assist women who obtain abortions after six weeks, rather than directing state officials to enforce it. It’s created a legal mess, as the law was designed to avoid a preemptive challenge but the court is still considering who’s allowed to sue and whom the suits should be directed toward.

What happens if Roe is overturned

The Texas law in effect now could be considered a model for a post-Roe world where abortions are limited or prohibited in certain states or regions.

Abortion clinics as far from the state as Florida have reported that women from Texas have traveled there for abortions, and should Roe be overturned, there would be a large swath of the country where abortions are illegal, since states would be allowed to ban them.

According to the pro-abortion rights Guttmacher Institute, 26 states are certain or likely to ban abortions if Roe is overturned. Meanwhile, Illinois, North Carolina and California are among the states that could see an increase in out-of-state abortion patients, as their clinics would be closest for women whose own states are positioned to quickly ban the procedure, Guttmacher’s analysis says.

Who’s arguing on each side

Mississippi Solicitor General Scott Stewart, a former clerk of Justice Clarence Thomas, will go first.

Stewart is likely to emphasize a main point he argued in briefs: “Under Roe and Casey, the Judiciary mows down state law after state law, year after year, on a critical policy issue. That is dangerously corrosive to our constitutional system.”

He’ll be followed by Julie Rikelman, the senior director at the Center for Reproductive Rights, arguing on behalf of Jackson Women’s Health Organization, the last abortion clinic in the state.

In March 2020, Rikelman won a case striking down a Louisiana abortion law when Chief Justice John Roberts sided with the liberals on the court. That, however, was before the court’s makeup changed with the death of Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg and confirmation of Amy Coney Barrett.

Overturning Roe could mean women seeking abortions have to travel hundreds of miles

After Rikelman, Solicitor General Elizabeth Prelogar, a former clerk to Ginsburg and Justice Elena Kagan, will step up in support of the clinic.

Prelogar, the Biden administration’s top lawyer before the Supreme Court, said in legal papers that the justices should consider what would happen if they decided to return the issue to the states. “The effects are likely to be felt most acutely by young women, women of color, and those of lesser means, further diminishing their opportunities to participate fully and equally in the Nation’s social and economic life,” she said.

Because Mississippi brought the challenge, Stewart will have the chance to return to the podium.

Arguments are scheduled to last for 70 minutes, but if past is precedent, the court will go into overtime.

Which justices are key?

Thomas has repeatedly urged the court to overturn Roe v. Wade, saying there is no right to an abortion found in the Constitution. Earlier this year, he was praised for his position on “unborn life” by Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell, a Kentucky Republican.

When the justices agreed to hear the case last May after months of closed-door deliberations, the question they agreed to decide was whether “all pre-viability prohibitions on elective abortion are unconstitutional.”

But when Mississippi filed its opening brief it went much further, asking the justices to overturn Roe and Casey. Some justices might see that as a bait and switch forcing them to address a much bigger question. Watch Roberts, who might express institutional concerns with overturning a decision from so long ago.
All eyes will also be on Barrett, whose vote to take up the case was likely critical. The court now includes three of former President Donald Trump’s nominees — recall that Trump vowed to appoint “pro-life” judges.



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Court blocks vaccine mandate for federal contractors in 3 states, in latest blow to Biden administration



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CNN.isLoggedInVideoCheck(autoStartVideo) : autoStartVideo;if (autoStartVideo === true) {if (turnOnFlashMessaging === true) {autoStartVideo = false;containerEl = jQuery(document.getElementById(configObj.markupId));CNN.VideoPlayer.showFlashSlate(containerEl);} else {CNN.autoPlayVideoExist = true;}}}configObj.autostart = CNN.Features.enableAutoplayBlock ? false : autoStartVideo;CNN.VideoPlayer.setPlayerProperties(configObj.markupId, autoStartVideo, isLivePlayer, isVideoReplayClicked, mutePlayerEnabled);CNN.VideoPlayer.setFirstVideoInCollection(currentVideoCollection, configObj.markupId);videoEndSlateImpl = new CNN.VideoEndSlate(‘large-media_0’);function findNextVideo(currentVideoId) {var i,vidObj;if (currentVideoId && jQuery.isArray(currentVideoCollection) && currentVideoCollection.length > 0) {for (i = 0; i 0) {videoEndSlateImpl.showEndSlateForContainer();if (mobilePinnedView) {mobilePinnedView.disable();}}}}callbackObj = {onPlayerReady: function (containerId) {var playerInstance,containerClassId = ‘#’ + containerId;CNN.VideoPlayer.handleInitialExpandableVideoState(containerId);CNN.VideoPlayer.handleAdOnCVPVisibilityChange(containerId, CNN.pageVis.isDocumentVisible());if (CNN.Features.enableMobileWebFloatingPlayer &&Modernizr &&(Modernizr.phone || Modernizr.mobile || Modernizr.tablet) &&CNN.VideoPlayer.getLibraryName(containerId) === ‘fave’ &&jQuery(containerClassId).parents(‘.js-pg-rail-tall__head’).length > 0 &&CNN.contentModel.pageType === ‘article’) {playerInstance = FAVE.player.getInstance(containerId);mobilePinnedView = new CNN.MobilePinnedView({element: jQuery(containerClassId),enabled: false,transition: CNN.MobileWebFloatingPlayer.transition,onPin: function () {playerInstance.hideUI();},onUnpin: function () {playerInstance.showUI();},onPlayerClick: function () {if (mobilePinnedView) {playerInstance.enterFullscreen();playerInstance.showUI();}},onDismiss: function() {CNN.Videx.mobile.pinnedPlayer.disable();playerInstance.pause();}});/* Storing pinned view on CNN.Videx.mobile.pinnedPlayer So that all players can see the single pinned player */CNN.Videx = CNN.Videx || {};CNN.Videx.mobile = CNN.Videx.mobile || {};CNN.Videx.mobile.pinnedPlayer = mobilePinnedView;}if (Modernizr && !Modernizr.phone && !Modernizr.mobile && !Modernizr.tablet) {if (jQuery(containerClassId).parents(‘.js-pg-rail-tall__head’).length) {videoPinner = new CNN.VideoPinner(containerClassId);videoPinner.init();} else {CNN.VideoPlayer.hideThumbnail(containerId);}}},onContentEntryLoad: function(containerId, playerId, contentid, isQueue) {CNN.VideoPlayer.showSpinner(containerId);},onContentPause: function (containerId, playerId, videoId, paused) {if (mobilePinnedView) {CNN.VideoPlayer.handleMobilePinnedPlayerStates(containerId, paused);}},onContentMetadata: function (containerId, playerId, metadata, contentId, duration, width, height) {var endSlateLen = jQuery(document.getElementById(containerId)).parent().find(‘.js-video__end-slate’).eq(0).length;CNN.VideoSourceUtils.updateSource(containerId, metadata);if (endSlateLen > 0) {videoEndSlateImpl.fetchAndShowRecommendedVideos(metadata);}},onAdPlay: function (containerId, cvpId, token, mode, id, duration, blockId, adType) {/* Dismissing the pinnedPlayer if another video players plays an Ad */CNN.VideoPlayer.dismissMobilePinnedPlayer(containerId);clearTimeout(moveToNextTimeout);CNN.VideoPlayer.hideSpinner(containerId);if (Modernizr && !Modernizr.phone && !Modernizr.mobile && !Modernizr.tablet) {if (typeof videoPinner !== ‘undefined’ && videoPinner !== null) {videoPinner.setIsPlaying(true);videoPinner.animateDown();}}},onAdPause: function (containerId, playerId, token, mode, id, duration, blockId, adType, instance, isAdPause) {if (mobilePinnedView) {CNN.VideoPlayer.handleMobilePinnedPlayerStates(containerId, isAdPause);}},onTrackingFullscreen: function (containerId, PlayerId, dataObj) {CNN.VideoPlayer.handleFullscreenChange(containerId, dataObj);if (mobilePinnedView &&typeof dataObj === ‘object’ &&FAVE.Utils.os === ‘iOS’ && !dataObj.fullscreen) {jQuery(document).scrollTop(mobilePinnedView.getScrollPosition());playerInstance.hideUI();}},onContentPlay: function (containerId, cvpId, event) {var playerInstance,prevVideoId;if (CNN.companion && typeof CNN.companion.updateCompanionLayout === ‘function’) {CNN.companion.updateCompanionLayout(‘restoreEpicAds’);}clearTimeout(moveToNextTimeout);CNN.VideoPlayer.hideSpinner(containerId);if (Modernizr && !Modernizr.phone && !Modernizr.mobile && !Modernizr.tablet) {if (typeof videoPinner !== ‘undefined’ && videoPinner !== null) {videoPinner.setIsPlaying(true);videoPinner.animateDown();}}},onContentReplayRequest: function (containerId, cvpId, contentId) {if (Modernizr && !Modernizr.phone && !Modernizr.mobile && !Modernizr.tablet) {if (typeof videoPinner !== ‘undefined’ && videoPinner !== null) {videoPinner.setIsPlaying(true);var $endSlate = jQuery(document.getElementById(containerId)).parent().find(‘.js-video__end-slate’).eq(0);if ($endSlate.length > 0) {$endSlate.removeClass(‘video__end-slate–active’).addClass(‘video__end-slate–inactive’);}}}},onContentBegin: function (containerId, cvpId, contentId) {if (mobilePinnedView) {mobilePinnedView.enable();}/* Dismissing the pinnedPlayer if another video players plays a video. */CNN.VideoPlayer.dismissMobilePinnedPlayer(containerId);CNN.VideoPlayer.mutePlayer(containerId);if (CNN.companion && typeof CNN.companion.updateCompanionLayout === ‘function’) {CNN.companion.updateCompanionLayout(‘removeEpicAds’);}CNN.VideoPlayer.hideSpinner(containerId);clearTimeout(moveToNextTimeout);CNN.VideoSourceUtils.clearSource(containerId);jQuery(document).triggerVideoContentStarted();},onContentComplete: function (containerId, cvpId, contentId) {if (CNN.companion && typeof CNN.companion.updateCompanionLayout === ‘function’) {CNN.companion.updateCompanionLayout(‘restoreFreewheel’);}navigateToNextVideo(contentId, containerId);},onContentEnd: function (containerId, cvpId, contentId) {if (Modernizr && !Modernizr.phone && !Modernizr.mobile && !Modernizr.tablet) {if (typeof videoPinner !== ‘undefined’ && videoPinner !== null) {videoPinner.setIsPlaying(false);}}},onCVPVisibilityChange: function (containerId, cvpId, visible) {CNN.VideoPlayer.handleAdOnCVPVisibilityChange(containerId, visible);}};if (typeof configObj.context !== ‘string’ || configObj.context.length 0) {configObj.adsection = window.ssid;}CNN.autoPlayVideoExist = (CNN.autoPlayVideoExist === true) ? true : false;CNN.VideoPlayer.getLibrary(configObj, callbackObj, isLivePlayer);});CNN.INJECTOR.scriptComplete(‘videodemanddust’);



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